President Bush declassified sensitive intelligence in 2003 and authorized its 
public disclosure to rebut Iraq war critics, but he did not specifically direct 
that Vice President Dick Cheney's former chief of staff, I. Lewis "Scooter" 
Libby, be the one to disseminate the information, an attorney knowledgeable 
about the case said Saturday. 
 
 
   White House 
 Press Secretary Scott McClellan responds to questions, Friday, April 7, 
 2006, about recent assertions that President Bush authorized the leaks of 
 intelligence information to counter administration critics on Iraq. Papers 
 filed by the prosecutor in the CIA leak case against I. Lewis Scooter 
 Libby said Bush authorized Libby to disclose information from a classified 
 prewar intelligence report. [AP] | 
Bush merely instructed Cheney to "get it out" and left the details to him, 
said the lawyer, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity 
of the case for the White House. The vice president chose Libby and communicated 
the president's wishes to his then-top aide, the lawyer said.
It is not known when the conversation between Bush and Cheney took place. The 
White House has declined to provide the date when the president used his 
authority to declassify the portions of the October 2002 National Intelligence 
Estimate, a classified document that detailed the intelligence community's 
conclusions about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.
The new information about Bush and Cheney's roles came as the president's 
aides have scrambled to defuse the political fallout from a court filing 
Wednesday by the prosecutors in the complex, ongoing investigation into whether 
the identity of CIA officer Valerie Plame was disclosed to discredit her 
husband, former Ambassador Joseph Wilson, an Iraq war critic.
Wilson had accused the administration of twisting prewar intelligence to 
exaggerate the weapons threat in Iraq.
Special Counsel Patrick J. Fitzgerald said in the filing that Libby testified 
before a grand jury that he was authorized by Bush, through Cheney, to leak 
information from the intelligence estimate.
Libby faces trial, likely in January, on charges of perjury and obstruction 
of justice for allegedly lying to the grand jury and investigators about what he 
told reporters about Plame.
Fitzgerald did not say in the filing that Cheney authorized Libby to leak 
Plame's identity, and Bush is not accused of doing anything illegal.
Fitzgerald's aim with the filing was to counter Libby's defense that he 
innocently forgot about conversations he may have had with reporters about Plame 
by showing that the White House's concern about the war criticism was so 
consuming it would be difficult to forget.
But by suggesting that the leak of Plame's name may have been set in motion 
by the president, however indirectly, the documents reverberated much more 
broadly. Democrats unleashed a storm of criticism against Bush, saying he 
appeared to have misused the declassification process for political gain.
On Friday, the White House argued there is an important different between 
disclosing sensitive information to further a public debate and leaking 
classified information that compromises national security. But the attorney said 
Saturday the president's instructions were not as specific as it might seem from 
both Fitzgerald's description of Libby's testimony and news accounts of it.
Because Bush declassified the intelligence document, the White House does not 
view Libby's conversations about it as a leak. But that determination is 
difficult to make without knowing precisely when Bush decided to declassify the 
information.
Libby passed the information about the document to New York Times reporter 
Judith Miller on July 8, 2003. It was 10 days later, on July 18, when the same 
portions of the document that Libby discussed with Miller were released 
publicly.